Wool in Pre Columbian Americas
Animal fiber forming the protective covering, or fleece, of sheep or of other
hairy mammals, such as goats and camels
• Wool is mainly obtained by shearing fleece from living animals, but pelts of
slaughtered sheep are sometimes treated to loosen the fiber, yielding an
inferior type called pulled wool. Cleaning the fleece removes "wool grease," the
fatty substance purified to make lanolin, a by-product employed in cosmetics and
ointments.
• Wool fiber is chiefly composed of the animal protein keratin. Protein
substances are more vulnerable to chemical damage and unfavorable
environmental conditions than the cellulose material forming the plant
fibers. Coarser than such textile fibers as cotton, linen, silk, and
rayon, wool has diameters ranging from about 16 to 40 microns (a micron
is about 0.00004 inch). Length is greatest for the coarsest fibers. Fine
wools are about 1.5 to 3 inches (4 to 7.5 centimeters) long; extremely
coarse fibers may be as much as 14 inches in length. Wool is characterized by waviness with up to 30 waves per inch (12 per
centimeter) in fine fibers and 5 per inch (2 per centimeter) or less in coarser
fibers.
One of the most relevant characteristics of this
incipient agricultural process is that, for the first time, man could
directly influence the biological processes of the plants and enhance
production. In Concheros, or areas where remains indicate interest in
the practices of gathering resources associated with the mangrove,
remains of hoes as well as hatchets and scrapers have been found. Used
for planting and harvesting manioc initially the tools were made of
seashells, and eventually pottery. Was introduced ceramic pieces usually
appeared in the shape of baking pans or large circular plates with
raised borders, in which they prepared manioc bread.
The development of root crop agriculture implied, in the first instance,
different food resources and increased opportunities for developing a
sedentary lifestyle. The most important consequences of these new
circumstances were larger populations and unaccustomed demographic and
nutritional pressures, which in turn led to experimentation with novel
domesticates, including corn. We now recognize that although it was
probably domesticated in Mexico, maize was known in Colombia ever since
the late stages of root agriculture and even in the times dominated by
hunters and gatherers. For centuries, perhaps even millennia, corn
complemented the diet of the indigenous populations, but that use did
not lead to a specific interest in the intensive cultivation of the
staple. The reasons are obvious. Corn requires an enormous amount of
labor during all phases of cultivation: at planting as well as during
progressive growth stages - to control weeds - and finally at harvest.
Additionally, it is very sensitive to drought, and its production
depends on the quality of the soil in which it is planted. The poor soil
first used by early agriculturists for manioc would not have produced
large maize harvests.
Paradoxically, the conditions generated by planting root crops fulfilled
the prerequisites necessary for the development of maize agriculture. In
the first place, population had increased and corn can feed many more people per acre than manioc. In the second place, manioc had allowed the
people to establish fairly sedentary lifestyles in areas far removed
from the original centers of domestication, on occasion, areas that were
extremely fertile, much better suited to corn than root crops.
Maize a Pre Columbian Staple
Maize was adopted as a staple because specific pressure made it a
better choice. For archaeologists it is still not quite clear what those
pressures were. What we do know is the importance that this change had
in pre Hispanic history. Firstly, the cultivation of corn allowed for and
demanded population growth. Secondly, in contrast to manioc, it can be
cultivated at considerably high altitudes. This, added to corn's
requirement of fertile land, constituted a powerful stimulant for
intensifying the use of mountainous regions, heretofore avoided by the
most relevant root crop agriculturists. Maize started to play a
fundamental role in prehispanic development. Even more important, and
also in contrast to manioc, corn has set' periods for planting and
harvesting, which implies the need for a far more complex labor
organization than that of root crop agriculture.
Thus, as corn grew in importance, we find that political organization
turned more complex. Around 400 to 500 A.D., the great majority of the
indigenous communities were totally transformed. The rise of
hierarchically organized societies became particularly discernible.
Archaeologists have designated these societies: Chiefdoms, or
hierarchically, ordered societies. They were groups of extended families
in which social stratification started to become apparent, and where
local, villages formed confederations with dominion over a determined
territory. It is precisely in the chiefdoms or "Cacicazgos" where we
find the development of permanent chiefs, and shamans.
Above all, the chiefs were responsible for organizing the system of
economic production, storage, and the distribution of any surpluses. The
shaman, on the other hand, was entrusted with the duty of programming
agricultural tasks through the development and employment of calendars
as well as by administering and controlling religious rites and
practices. Both the chief and the shaman represented interests that
continued to be closely linked with those of their community.
Fundamentally, they comprised an elite that possessed the authority to
make decisions which in the economic context affected the entire
community and which required a centralized organization of labor. |


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